What a tangled web! The BJP holds the reins both at the Centre and in Delhi, and you’d think this alignment would make the bureaucratic machinery hum like a well-oiled machine, right? Well, not quite. Recently, Delhi Assembly Speaker Vijender Gupta penned a letter to Chief Secretary Dharmendra, highlighting a rather curious issue: government officials are giving the cold shoulder to MLA communications. Calls go unanswered, letters unacknowledged, and messages left on read. It’s as if Delhi’s babus have activated their “Do Not Disturb” mode regarding elected representatives.
Now, for the past decade, Delhi’s administration has been the stage for a bureaucratic tug-of-war. The question of whether to follow the directives of the Delhi government or the Lieutenant Governor (LG) has been a perennial conundrum. This power struggle has often led to administrative delays, legal battles, and policy gridlocks, affecting governance and public service delivery in the capital. In May 2023, the Centre amended the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD) Act of 1991, extending the LG’s powers over bureaucratic appointments and transfers. This move was seen as an attempt to tighten the Centre’s grip on Delhi’s administration.
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Fast forward to today, and it seems the bureaucracy is still grappling with this new power dynamic. The habit of looking towards the LG for direction appears deeply ingrained, making the transition to a more MLA-responsive approach akin to teaching an old dog new tricks.
This bureaucratic aloofness isn’t just a matter of hurt egos. When officials sideline MLAs, they effectively sideline the voices of the people those MLAs represent. It’s a classic case of the left hand not knowing (or ignoring) what the right hand is doing, leading to inefficiencies and a disconnect between policymaking and ground realities.
It’s evident that a cultural shift within the bureaucracy is needed—one that respects and acknowledges the role of elected representatives.
Kerala’s DGP race: who will take the top job?
The stakes are high as the race to become Kerala’s next Director General of Police (DGP) intensifies. The state government is searching through a list of senior IPS officers in an attempt to find the ideal candidate, as Shaik Darvesh Saheb is scheduled to retire in June. But as with any important appointment, qualifications and experience aren’t the only factors involved.
Nitin Agrawal, a 1990-batch officer who just returned from a stint as BSF chief, is the most senior member of the group. Next up is Ravada A Chandrasekhar, a member of the 1991 class who is presently employed with the Intelligence Bureau. Will he even be interested, though, given that he will be retiring next year?
The younger generation is not far behind. Kerala’s Vigilance and Anti-Corruption Bureau is led by Yogesh Gupta (1993 batch), and the state’s Law & Order chief, Manoj Abraham (1994 batch), is renowned for his tech-driven policing. Both 1995-batch officers, S Suresh and MR Ajith Kuma,r are also involved; the latter may lose his chances due to corruption charges.
Merit is important, but political factors are often as important. The UPSC will select three names from a shortlist submitted by the state government. The government will then make the final decision. Don’t be shocked if political inclinations, prior connections, and personal ties to the ruling party play a role in the selection process, considering Kerala’s history of DGP appointments.
Speculation is rife in Thiruvananthapuram’s power corridors as the final decision is anticipated in June. Who is going to win?
States are holding on to their best babus
There was a time when central deputation was the dream gig for IAS and IFS officers, a plush posting in Delhi, power corridors buzzing with influence, and a chance to shape national policy. But now, big states like Maharashtra and UP seem to be keeping their best officers in the state. Meanwhile, Odisha and AGMU cadres are more than happy to send theirs to the Centre. What gives?
The reality is simple: states need talent more than ever. With growing governance challenges—from infrastructure overhauls to welfare schemes—losing top babus to Delhi feels like a self-inflicted wound. Why send your best players to the national team when your own squad is struggling?
Then there’s the career calculus. Central deputation once promised prestige, but states are now offering equally powerful roles, direct access to top politicians, and cushy post-retirement gigs. Many officers believe that it’s better to be a kingmaker at home than deal with the turf wars of Delhi.
And let’s not forget the political angle. Many state governments don’t exactly trust the Centre with their officers. The fear? Once they leave, they might return as Delhi loyalists, not state insiders. Given the Centre-state tensions in today’s political climate, that’s a real concern.
So, while the Centre keeps nudging states to send more officers, states are digging in their heels. And if you’re a babu with a choice, the question is clear: why go to Delhi when you can rule your own backyard?
By Dilip Cherian
