By Santosh Kumar Mohapatra
India stands today at a defining crossroads in its democratic journey. While the promise of gender equality and women’s empowerment is loudly proclaimed, its actual realization continues to be quietly deferred. The renewed debate on women’s reservation, despite being presented as a progressive milestone, reveals a deeper and more uncomfortable truth—what appears as reform is often a carefully structured postponement. Once again, women are denied their rightful share in political representation.
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At the heart of this delay lies an entrenched and persistent force: male chauvinism. This ideology, which assumes men to be inherently superior, more capable, and more deserving of leadership, continues to shape political decisions. It manifests not only through overt discrimination but also through subtle institutional mechanisms that delay or dilute reforms meant to empower women.
The demand for women’s reservation in legislatures has a long history in India. Yet, despite repeated assurances from political parties across the spectrum, it has not been implemented. Both the ruling establishment and opposition parties claim commitment to the cause, but their actions often suggest otherwise. Instead of building consensus, the issue is frequently used as a tool for political positioning.
Critics argue that before introducing recent Bills—the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill, 2026; the Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2026; and the Delimitation Bill, 2026—the government should have held wider consultations with opposition parties and implemented reservation within the existing Lok Sabha and Assembly seats.
These Bills sought to expedite women’s reservation by linking it to delimitation based on the 2011 Census instead of waiting for the post-2026 census. They also aimed to increase the number of Lok Sabha seats from 543 to 850, with implementation targeted for the 2029 general elections. However, the Bills failed to pass April 17, 2026, as it did not secure the required two-thirds majority. Following its defeat, the Delimitation Bill was withdrawn.
In practical terms, increasing the number of seats may not even be necessary. Advances in communication, transportation, and administrative efficiency have reduced the need for larger legislative bodies. Expanding seats would also impose a significant financial burden on the public exchequer. Earlier, even schemes like MPLADS did not exist.
A critical question, therefore, arises: why did political parties not implement women’s reservation in the 2024 elections after passing the 2023 Act? The answer likely lies in the reluctance of sitting male MPs to vacate their constituencies—even for women from their own families. This resistance explains why repeated attempts since 1996 have failed to produce results.
If political parties were genuinely committed, they could have voluntarily allocated one-third of their tickets to women. However, the data tell a different story. According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and National Election Watch (NEW), out of 51,708 candidates in the 2024 Lok Sabha and State/UT Assembly elections, only 5,095—about 10 percent—were women.
Globally, India’s position remains weak. Among BRICS nations, India has the lowest share of women in Parliament at approximately 13.79 percent in 2025—well below the global average of 27.25 percent. Countries such as South Africa (46 percent), the United Kingdom (35 percent), and the United States (29 percent) perform significantly better. India ranks 149th out of 193 countries in women’s parliamentary representation and 131st out of 148 in the Global Gender Gap Report.
Data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union show that in 2023, 52 countries held parliamentary elections, with women accounting for an average of 27.6 percent of elected representatives. Globally, women now constitute about 26.9 percent of all MPs. India, which was ranked 143rd earlier, is likely to slip further due to declining representation.
The conclusion is clear and urgent. It is time to implement 33 percent reservation for women not only in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies but also in the Rajya Sabha and Legislative Councils. Additionally, there should be restrictions on multiple MPs or MLAs from the same family to ensure broader and more equitable representation.
Until such reforms are enacted with sincerity and urgency, the promise of gender equality will remain unfulfilled. The continued delay only reinforces one reality—male chauvinism, rather than constitutional limitations, remains the biggest obstacle to women’s political empowerment in India.
The author is an Odisha-based economist and columnist.
